politician has always operated outside the elite institutions, but prefers to stay out of sight
When George Osborne was 17 years old, participated in a school debate on nuclear disarmament. He was then a student in politics at St. Paul's in London, a leading public school in England. The days of debate, a group of sixth-formers gathered to listen. Osborne, and perhaps show latent sympathies right, was to argue for nuclear deterrence. On the opposite side, his companion Sat Bain put the matter of the CND. But as Osborne rose to speak, a teacher entered the class rugby to say what is required to play in a game. Osborne fled, leaving behind notes for his speech. "A guy in the audience that reads and won fairly unanimous," says Bain now. "So basically, he could not win a debate against him, even if it was not there."
To Bainhumiliation was not totally unexpected. While a teenager Osborne, seemed composed supernatural, a bit more than their contemporaries and with a clear idea of ??where he was and the kind of person who wanted to be.
"We were 17, and at that time was grown in a way that no one else in our year," says Bain, who co-create the channel 4
Peep Show
new comedy and students fresh meat
. "He looked and behaved like a man who had already decided they would do with his life. "
The story of how this girl became the youngest minister in 120 years is intriguing. It contains many surprising elements, including tales of debauchery rampant, accusations of electoral fraud in student politics and, at one point, an intimate encounter with the pop star Geri Halliwell - many of them later. But in many ways Osborne in 40 years it retains the essence of Osborne at the age of 17. Those who work for him now in his exceptional political observation of the brain in its ability to outthink opponents with strokes of genius tactic to present the economic argument dense, with a look at what the next day the headlines and know, deep in their bones, who will win over a crowd.
"I remember many times when we face a difficult political problem and that there would be a light bulb moment," said Conservative MP Matthew Hancock, who was economic advisor and Osborne chief of staff until last year. "No one else I knew at that time was so obvious - her whole face lights up and say,". No, we will do it "and has always been really brilliant idea. It is very creative. "
However, for all that inspires loyalty among those who work for him, Osborne has enough self-awareness to realize that his public image is fatally lacking. On the television appears to be artificial, lack of heat, David Cameron, and easy jokes. In parliament, the youthful features - a chubby face, pale, dark-haired fop - only underscores the impression that is covered by a public school does not quite match the direction of the country by a devastating financial crisis. His privileged upbringing - Osborne is the eldest son of Sir Peter Osborne, the owner of a 17 hereditary baron and co-founder of wallpaper designers Osborne & Little - add the tabloid caricature of a fat with a trust fund. His mouth, according to one commentator, "wrapped in a permanent grin, it seems that he laughs when he announced further cuts in public services."
vain, still pursued by two infamous photographs from his past: the first, taken in 1992, representing Sebastian Flyte Osborne recent days, resplendent in tails and a blue bow tie as a member of the Bullingdon Club University of Oxford, the second, taken a few years later, shows him smiling stupidly thrown carelessly on his arm the shoulder of the guard Natalie Rowe, surrounded by empty wine bottles and what might or might not be a line of cocaine on the table before him. These two images have reinforced - unfairly or not - a greater sense of public Osborne as a dilettante in possession of a healthy sense of right. At a time when he advocated a series of drastic austerity measures, Osborne is well aware that such a view is unfortunate.
Thereforecarefully rations his public - a tactic that earned him the nickname of "waterboarding" as a Tory staff. "It remains under water for a long time and when it seems impeccably prepared," said Janan Ganesh, political correspondent for the
Economist currently writing a biography of Osborne . "He is very open it in private - in his words -." Do not be a man of the people "is a combination of material privileges and other superficial things, like how it looks and sounds ... In the last campaign, for example, which was not visible. It's because I knew it was more of an asset between the racks. "
Osborne to 17 years can earn a discussion of school without having to appear in person, but just having someone to read their arguments intelligently structured. Twenty years later, as Minister of Finance, the same strategy was successful in refining and redistribution, albeit on a larger scale.
For Sam Bain, former partner of Osborne debate, there is a sense of inevitability to the rise of a classmate in power. "I definitely feel very old man looked as chancellor, but think about how I got there, it makes sense," he said. "You may have to work there for 20 years or more to get it. There is talk of someone who is very simple, and whether or not you agree with his politics, which is something quite extraordinary. "
For those who have watched his rise from the outside, Osborne has always seemed to know exactly where he went. Friends say he is convinced that there was a constant process purposive - having obtained a 2:1 in Modern History at Magdalen College, Oxford, who played with the idea of ??becoming a journalist and pursued a series document end (less than one point of folding towels Selfridge) before a friend mentioned that there was a vacancy in the research department of Conservative Central Office. He later became political secretary and speech writer for William Hague, before elected MP for Tatton Conservative in 2001 after being appointed chancellor of the shadow of Michael Howard at the early age of 33.
Anyone looking to the inexorable rise would be forgiven for thinking Osborne had a plan. "In fact at every turn [his] career, which was undoubtedly huge," says a friend. "He went, 'What the hell do I do next ?'"
Although certainly could have been below the surface, superficially seemed ambitious at first. During the first days of opposition from Cameron, the employees of the Conservative Central Office to remember that Osborne professional style was markedly different from that of the leader. While Cameron will come in each morning and bluff good humor, greeting everyone by name, Osborne to walk straight to his office without saying a word and close the door.
"Osborne this fund comes from intelligent, right, who is this" born to rule "attitude," says a colleague. "He is strong, but not as smart as Cameron."
Cameron-Osborne Association has always been close - they are mentors to the children of others - mainly because of their different strengths. While Cameron is the public face of the party and the embodiment of a broader ideological, Osborne is the arch-tactician, political chess player who revels in the game. It is in the purest sense (and, some would say the worst) is a politician, motivated not by any particular ideology, but by the thrill of the hunt, the exercise of political ambition of his own. "For him, politics is the biggest toys in the playground," says an acquaintance.
"Your first thought is: what is the policy of this, both internal and external?" Said one former adviser. "This is a great strength, but can also be a weakness. There are many times in politics you have to do is not political correctness. I think George is on-site interviews when people say that "Why are you in politics How do you want this country? This light is said about him as a person and a thinker. Your wiring is political and that means it is contextual, so your answer will depend on the political climate. "
times the daily obsession tactics rather than a global strategy has drawn criticism in conservative ranks. During the election campaign of 2010, Osborne was the brain, there was a "Back then Conservative" T-shirt for every member of staff came up with smart advertising coup. "I love this kind of thing," said a political commentator. "He can put on your opponent to advance the need for an underlying vision."
Liberal Democrat colleagues in the coalition government speak darkly of meetings of the Treasury against him, always carried out by subordinates rather than Osborne himself, who is careful to remain charming in person. "Of course it is partly the arrogance of the Treasury - the inability of institutions to give credit to other departments," said Lord Oakeshott Liberal Democrat peer, who resigned as House of Lords holder word of the Treasury earlier this year in protest Osborne is taking enough bold steps in the bonus bank. "Osborne is an operator very, very intelligent. At an eye for the main political opportunity."
And yet Cameron - who is five years older than his foreign minister - was savvy enough to exploit to their advantage: they have the advice of Steve Hilton (director Cameron Strategy) to blue sky thinking about big business, etc.. Osborne, however, allows the calculation stubborn. He also Cameron liberal instincts on issues like abortion and gay adoption. A low tax, small states are conservative, says that to find money-hungry Cameron daunting social and environmental initiatives. Osborne and can be as radical as the new member, proposed that the royal family must pay rent for Kensington Palace. For these reasons, Ganesh said that "Cameron has absolutely." It is a complementary partnership.
Unlike Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, whose alleged tacit agreement in 1994 to be submitted to management has become a part of the mythology of the New Labour policy, Osborne insists no deal struck like that . "There was no agreement on the rabbit polenta," he said in an interview six years ago with the
Daily Telegraph
. This is, of course, does not mean it has no leadership ambitions -. On the contrary
"To be a politician at this level, you have to take very seriously and we believe it can be the leader," says a former Conservative MP who has worked for Osborne. "But I think they learned a lesson from the Blair-Brown years and was:. Never, never let that happen to us are truly brothers in arms have always won so just put on the top of your list even .. if their views and priorities are different. "
The door between No. 10 and the Treasury at No. 11 is still open - in contrast to some previous regimes - and Prime Minister Osborne is confident enough to allow him to chair the meeting daily with the strategy team within 4:00 p.m. if Cameron is not.
"have always been very close," said a former Conservative minister, "but David has always been clearly the dominant figure of this company. When I met George and David for talks, George would be in silence. From time to time chip, but it was clear there was a lack of assertiveness and confidence. I think that has changed. It has grown in stature, very encouraging, because I needed if I were to be effective. "
Howlack of confidence manifests itself? "I'll notice. There was some nervousness. "
Again, there is a difference here between the public and Osborne. In public, while being too confident for his own good, no safety issue that his deficit reduction plan is the right course of action despite the fact that almost no other Western country has followed suit and some economists continue to predict The tax measures will slow growth and high unemployment for decades.
According to a senior adviser: "It's when his political instincts and go through it said." OK, I'll take some criticism for this, I will fight my corner 'I' have not seen any impression of any particular sadness. It is often a little less politics. " It is also well regarded in the international arena, with Christine Lagarde, the executive director of the International Monetary Fund and the U. S. Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, his fans (not bad for someone who used to have a guide for beginners of the economy in his office).
Privately, however, there are indications that self-confidence in Parliament is something of an act. In the celebrations that often seems uncomfortable and guarded, as if constantly in search of a banana skin of conversation possible. People who know him outside the House are struggling to connect. "There is an emotional distance here," said one. "Everyone who works with him says he is so beautiful, but I must admit I've always found it charming."
- It is true that in the corridors of power, it is difficult to find someone with a bad word to say about him personally. Even the most strident critics admit that it is, even if their policies are not.
- in the coalition that, according to a liberal Democrat, was "an amiable companion. It is a very smooth operator." After the election Osborne made a point of going to the office of the Secretary of Business, Vince Cable to run, but it is usually the youngest minister to make the effort. "It is always fun, fast and very strong," said one Liberal Democrat. This, despite the fact that, according to a fellow conservative, Osborne found the limits of the coalition "extremely upset". His relationship with the cable is said to be good - at least on the surface - but Lib Dem said: "We must warn Osborne Vince, because when someone is nice to him drop his guard."
Time and again I said that "the worst thing you can do in a meeting with George not to say what they think." No one I talk to has never seen him angry, suggesting a remarkable level of self-control. "No, I've never seen him lose," said Hancock. "He became passionate about things, but it's different." Certainly, no phone running these days at No. 11.
"People who work for him that Osborne is young enough to remember what it was to have a boss," says Ganesh. "People say that it is considered, and as a result, generates large amounts of personal loyalty has developed a residual after parliamentary -. MPs, like the hands of Greg, Claire Perry, Matt Hancock - all of whom worked for Osborne some time and have maintained their loyalty primary. "
If you ever decided to walk to the Leader, a cabal osbornite already be in place.
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